The people of Assam have to be some of the most unfortunate voter group ever. Time and again the elected Government of the state have proven this by actions and words. The tendency of the Government to take anti-indigenous decisions and make a mockery out of the people’s sentiments leaves one to question whether the Government really has intentions to protect the well-touted slogan of jati-mati-bheti.
The recent ordinance passed in the state cabinet and announced by the industry minister Chandra Mohan Patowary in a tweet is just one among a series of such anti-indigenous decisions. A reasonable analysis can clearly show how all decisions of this Government have been detrimental towards the native population. It is to be noted that mandated work of a government like the construction of roads or petty monetary throwaways in the name of compensations or grants cannot be considered as development. How many policy decisions are targeted towards sustainable development of the people, empowering them to be self-dependent are of concern?
The BJP+AGP coalition came into power in Assam riding on the biggest issue that had been troubling the indigenous population; illegal immigration from Bangladesh. This problem which had been troubling the state since before independence has always been used as a political tool. Even though the manifesto clearly mentioned CAB, the popular belief was that the state leaders will be able to keep Assam out of the ambit of the bill. This was hugely due to the fact that the state government was to be led by a person who spent 22 years of his life battling an immigrant favouring act in the Supreme Court, getting it scrapped and thereby earning the title Jatiyo Nayak. Also, the brave declaration of the Prime Minister (then Prime Ministerial candidate) Narendra Modi that immigrants will have to pack up their belongings once BJP comes to power boosted the people’s confidence in the party. But when the time came, to the surprise of the public, the state BJP pulled a complete turnaround also taking allies AGP with them. In what can only be termed as a pre-calculated decision, states sharing borders with Bangladesh (Meghalaya, Assam and Tripura) were the ones who were not protected from the fallout of CAA.
Also read: Is Assam govt using MSME leeway to foster reckless industrialisation?
The people of Assam, quite understandably angered beyond measure, took to the streets and revolted against the Government in a democratic movement, the kind and scale of which was but rarely seen in independent India. The BJP tried to suppress the movement by imposing curfew, lathi charge, armed military, internet ban, press censorship and all other tricks available in the book. The protesters were mocked by saying that they didn’t understand the act or were not intellectually sound enough to comprehend it. The Prime Minister of the country had to cancel (although the BJP doesn’t admit this publicly) two trips to the region. But the Home Minister spoke to the national media that there were no protests against the act in Assam. The state rulers didn’t address or acknowledge or accept guilt for the five murders committed by spilling the blood of innocent youth on the streets.
The Government’s mockery continued in the form of bribe to targeted sections of the people. Artist’s grant, autonomous councils, scholarships, promises of the revival of the two defunct paper mills, wage hike for tea garden labourers, scholarships, divide and rule politics and even the Bodo struggle was used as a diversionary tactic. The signing of the Bodo accord enabled the BJP to gather face value among at least a section of the people and also was projected as a welcome display in front of the mainland citizens.
The one way to pacify or at least safeguard the indigenous interests was found to be the protection of land rights by the implementation of Clause 6 of the Assam Accord. The Government lost no time in using it as another defensive move and announced the quick implementation of the accord by appointing a high-level committee. The Home Minister said in the parliament that the recommendations of the committee will be implemented without any cross-questions or edits. The committee got together and came up with its recommendations in February 2020. But again the BJP backtracked on its words and the home minister did not accept it as he had previously mentioned. Instead, the report was submitted to the chief minister and is now collecting dust without the first step towards its implementation.
Protection of land rights by securing it exclusively for the indigenous Assamese was expected to be one of the recommendations of the Clause 6 committee. Instead of this, the new ordinance seeks to make land available to ‘anyone’ to set up an industrial unit in the turnover cap of MSME. This means that any Governmental land including Public and Village Grazing Reserves, Wetlands, Forests can be claimed by anyone, indigenous Assamese or otherwise, to set up an industry.
There are no requirements for any documentation other than a self-declaration to secure land rights. This leaves the possibility of further land acquisition by illegal migrants and facilitation of their aggressionary modes of land acquisition by driving out indigenous people from their lands. Moreover the industry minister, Chandra Mohan Patowary, recently assured victims of the Baghjan blowout that special measures will be taken to ensure that such incidents do not happen again. If the new industries to be set up under Mr. Patowary’s latest ordinance do not need to submit any clearance certificates whatsoever for the first three years of operation, how will it be possible to monitor the activities and ensure safe operation at all?
The minister’s tweet also mentions that the land will be deemed converted for industrial purposes. Whether this means that any land as per the wishes of the buyers can be deemed open for sale was not clarified. Agricultural land, tribal belts, land in autonomous council regions, forests, might all be included under this and a self-declaration might be enough documentation for ‘anyone’ to stake claims on them.
Meanwhile the Government’s promises to revive the old paper mills have also gone down the drain as 200 acres of public land belonging to Ashoka Paper Mills in Jogighopa has now been converted into a multi modal logistics park to be open for private leases. On the face of it, this might seem like a proper plan of disinvestment to facilitate jobs. But whether the unemployed indigenous Assamese is to benefit from this only time will tell.
There is no doubt that employment avenues need to be generated. But compromising with the land rights challenges the very future of the people of the state. This is of more concern considering the threat posed by the gradually exploding population of illegal migrants and the fact that god is not creating anymore land. The tendency of the BJP government to trample on the indigenous people’s efforts of securing their future questions the true intentions of the party towards the state’s multi ethnic and diverse population. This is also seen in the issue of coal mining permissions being allowed in Dehing Patkai rainforest considering that the region is home to many indigenous tribes and communities like Singphos, Tai Phakes, Khamyangs, Tangsas, who share a historical as well as cultural relation with the river and hill.
Senior Advocate Niloy Dutta, who served as a member in the Clause 6 committee has also termed this ordinance as anti-indigenous considering that it goes against the recommendations of the committee. In fact, this ordinance has the potential to cause more damage towards the Assamese interests than the CAA. Many organizations and civil bodies have already registered their protest regarding it. What needs to be seen is whether the Government decides to reconsider their decision or whether they turn a deaf ear to the very people they swore to protect.
Written by AxomSon
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