Quest for Gorkhaland: A century-long struggle for identity and autonomy

The Indian Gorkhas of the Darjeeling-Duars region in northern West Bengal have long embraced aspirations for a separate state of Gorkhaland, a demand rooted in a complex interplay of historical neglect, cultural distinctiveness, and geopolitical significance. Since 1907, the Gorkha community has sought a political solution within India’s constitutional framework to address feelings of marginalisation and deprivation.

Despite their rich socio-cultural heritage and strategic location, the region’s integration into West Bengal has been marked by administrative oversight and political manoeuvring, fueling a persistent struggle for self-determination. This opinion note attempts to explore the historical context, geopolitical importance, interim administrative failures, and potential pathways toward a permanent political solution for the Gorkha aspirations.

Historical Context and Administrative Isolation

The Darjeeling-Duars region, encompassing the Darjeeling hills, Siliguri Terai, and the Duars, has a turbulent historical trajectory that underscores its distinct identity. Throughout British colonial rule, the region was deliberately kept outside the mainstream of Indian administration, isolated from broader socio-political developments. This isolation stemmed from its strategic location, sharing borders with Nepal, Bhutan, Bangladesh, and proximity to China via Jelep La, as well as its role in securing the ‘chicken’s neck’ corridor linking Northeast India to the mainland. The British treated Darjeeling as a buffer zone and prioritised its geopolitical convenience over its integration into the national mainstream.

Post-independence, the decision to merge Darjeeling-Duars into West Bengal was made without consulting the region’s populace, ignoring key criteria outlined by the State Reorganization Commission (SRC), such as linguistic and cultural compatibility and financial viability. The proposed formation of an ‘Uttarakhand’ state, comprising Darjeeling, Sikkim, Jalpaiguri, and Cooch Behar, was overlooked due to political lobbying. This arbitrary merger sowed the seeds of discontent, as the Gorkhas, with their distinct language, culture, and history, felt estranged within West Bengal’s administrative framework. The region’s unique identity and historical isolation continue to fuel demands for a separate state, as Gorkhas argue that their inclusion in West Bengal was a historical misstep.

Geopolitical Significance

The Darjeeling-Duars region’s strategic importance cannot be overstated. Bordering multiple countries and situated near the sensitive Siliguri Corridor, it serves as a critical geopolitical fulcrum for India’s national security. The corridor, also referred to as the ‘chicken’s neck,’ is a narrow strip of land connecting India’s northeastern states to the rest of the country, making it vulnerable to external threats. The region’s proximity to China further strengthens its significance in the context of India’s border security.

Any political instability in Darjeeling-Duars could have far-reaching implications, not only for West Bengal but for India’s national security as a whole. It’s important to note that Bangladesh's creation triggered massive demographic change in and around the corridor with mass illegal immigration. In fact, having porous borders with Nepal, Bhutan, and Bangladesh, this proverbial ‘Chicken’s neck’ has been under perpetual threat of being strangled by forces inimical to India. 

The Gorkha demand for statehood is thus not purely a regional issue but one with national ramifications. A stable and well-governed Darjeeling-Duars is essential for maintaining peace and security in this sensitive border region. However, successive governments have failed to address the underlying political aspirations of the Gorkhas and therefore leading to recurring unrest that threatens the region’s stability and India’s strategic interests. 

Failures of Interim Administrative Arrangements

To address the Gorkha demands, the Indian government established interim administrative bodies, namely the Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council (DGHC, 1988–2011) and the Gorkhaland Territorial Administration (GTA, 2012–present). However, these arrangements have been tainted by poor governance, lack of accountability, and political interference, exacerbating the region’s vulnerabilities. The DGHC and GTA were intended to provide a degree of autonomy, but their ineffective functioning has left the Gorkhas disillusioned. The West Bengal government’s appeasement of select Gorkha leaders, without institutionalising these autonomous structures or ensuring their efficacy, has further undermined people’s trust.

The GTA, in particular, has been plagued by political turmoil. Since 2012, the region has witnessed violent agitations in 2013 and 2017, resulting in loss of life and property. The state government’s response -relying on force and coercion rather than dialogue - has deepened the Gorkhas’ sense of alienation. The fragmentation of the region’s socio-cultural fabric through the creation of ethnically based Development and Cultural Boards by the Trinamool Congress (TMC)-led West Bengal government has further eroded traditional unity and have weakened the collective push for Gorkhaland. 

Political Commitments and Unfulfilled Promises

The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-led central government has expressed sympathy for the Gorkha cause, notably in its 2019 Lok Sabha election manifesto, which promised a "permanent political solution" for Darjeeling-Duars and the recognition of 11 Gorkha sub-tribes as Scheduled Tribes. While the commitment to Scheduled Tribe status has been under consideration since 2014, with a high-powered committee engaging with sub-tribes like Bhujel, Gurung, Rai, etc, no formal decision has been made so far. The promise of a political solution, reiterated in 2019 with a region-specific and inclusive approach, marked a shift from earlier people-centric commitments in 2009 and 2014. However, tangible progress still remains distant and far-flung.

Darjeeling’s MP, Raju Bista, has raised the issue in Parliament multiple times, and some senior BJP leaders like Subramanian Swamy have advocated for a Gorkhaland Union Territory. Yet, the central government’s inaction has drawn criticism from Gorkha intellectuals and activists, who argue that the BJP’s promises are more electoral rhetoric than genuine intent. The creation of Telangana in 2014, following similar BJP support for smaller states, contrasts sharply with the stagnation of the Gorkhaland issue, highlighting a lack of political will.

Exploring Pathways Forward

The Gorkha aspirations demand a sustainable political solution that addresses both their quest for identity and the region’s strategic imperatives. Four potential options have emerged: a separate state, a Union Territory, a "state within a state" under Article 244A of the Indian Constitution, or inclusion under the Sixth Schedule. While the first two options - statehood or Union Territory status - are favoured by many Gorkhas for their potential to grant significant autonomy, the latter two have been criticised as inadequate for addressing long-term aspirations.

A separate state of Gorkhaland, encompassing Darjeeling, Kalimpong, Siliguri, and major parts of the Duars, would recognise the region’s distinct identity and strategic importance. With a proposed area of over 7200 square kilometres and a population of over 4 million (based on 2011 Census data), Gorkhaland would be viable both administratively and economically. Alternatively, a Union Territory could provide centralised governance while addressing national security concerns, though it may fall short of the full autonomy sought by Gorkhas.

The "state within a state" model under Article 244A or the Sixth Schedule, which grants autonomy to tribal areas, has been debated but is seen as a half-measure by Gorkha intellectuals. These options risk perpetuating the region’s dependence on West Bengal, failing to address the core demand for self-governance. Further, talks around reunifying Sikkim and Darjeeling has also been a topic of historical and cultural significance, rooted in their shared past and ethnic ties. Historically, Darjeeling was part of Sikkim until 1835, when it was ceded to the British East India Company as a sanatorium, following negotiations with the Sikkim Raja. A.C. Sinha’s essay, ‘From Sikkim to Sukhim (1993)’, argues for reunification to restore this historical unity, envisioning a Nepali-dominated state called "Sukhim" within India.

Sinha suggests that such a merger could address the frustrations of Indian Nepalis, particularly in Darjeeling, where demands for a separate Gorkhaland persist due to feelings of marginalisation within West Bengal. He highlights the region’s shared cultural identity and proposes that reunification could defuse ethnic tensions while fostering development. However, political resistance, especially from Sikkim, where sentiments often oppose unification, and the complex colonial legacy, make this a contentious issue. Despite these challenges, the idea continues to spark debate among academics and local groups like the Sikkim-Darjeeling Ekikaran Manch, who advocate for a unified identity.

Any solution must involve extensive consultations with stakeholders, including Gorkha leaders, civil society, and other ethnic groups in the region, to ensure peace, inclusivity and sustainability.

The Gorkha struggle for Gorkhaland is an agonising reminder of the challenges of balancing regional aspirations with national imperatives. The Darjeeling-Duars region’s historical neglect, cultural distinctiveness, and geopolitical significance highlight the urgency of a permanent political solution. Interim arrangements like the DGHC and GTA have failed to deliver meaningful autonomy, while unfulfilled political promises have deepened the popular mistrust. Addressing the Gorkha aspiration on priority is, therefore, not only a matter of justice but also a strategic necessity. 

References

Khawas, Vimal, 2021. The Need for a Sustainable Political Solutions to the Century-Old Gorkha Aspirations. Policy Brief. Panch Gothay Foundation, Kalimpong.

Sinhs, AC, 1993. From Sikkim to Sukhim. Himal Southasian. November 1. https://www.himalmag.com/essay/from-sikkim-to-sukhim

Vimal Khawas is Professor, Special Centre for the Study of North East India, JNU, New Delhi.