Agencies orchestrating chaos in the burning of the open gym and Modi’s welcome decorations

Agencies orchestrating chaos in the burning of the open gym and Modi’s welcome decorations

The group that set fire to the Open gym in 2023 has now defaced the Prime Minister’s ceremonial display. These acts are deliberate, aimed at undermining the government and stirring chaos. The turmoil in Manipur is not a spontaneous outpouring of local grievances but a meticulously orchestrated campaign by external players  or agencies, who thrive on the state’s instability. 

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Agencies orchestrating chaos in the burning of the open gym and Modi’s welcome decorations

The group that set fire to the Open gym in 2023 has now defaced the Prime Minister’s ceremonial display. These acts are deliberate, aimed at undermining the government and stirring chaos. The turmoil in Manipur is not a spontaneous outpouring of local grievances but a meticulously orchestrated campaign by external players  or agencies, who thrive on the state’s instability. 

On April 27, 2023, unidentified mobs, largely linked to Kuki agitators, set fire to a newly constructed Open Gym at the PT Sports Complex in Churachandpur district, just hours before the former Chief Minister N. Biren Singh was to inaugurate it. Fast forward to September 11, 2025, two days before Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s visit to launch projects worth Rs 7,300 crores, and a similar scene unfolded: mobs tore down and burned welcome decorations across Churachandpur, including in Peasonmun village and Phailien Bazar, sparking clashes with security forces. 

These acts of vandalism, far from being isolated or driven by local discontent, are the handiwork of external forces—fringe elements manipulating local actors to keep state burning for their own agendas. The burning gym and trashed decorations are not just attacks on infrastructure; they are calculated moves in a masterplan to destabilize the state by those agencies. 

The parallels between the 2023 and 2025 incidents are too stark to dismiss as coincidence. In April 2023, the Open Gym arson occurred on the eve of then-Chief Minister N. Biren Singh’s visit, during a total shutdown called by the Indigenous Tribal Leaders Forum (ITLF), which protested what they labeled as “anti-tribal policies” of the state government. These claims, however, have been criticized for exaggerating the ITLF's representation of indigeneity, as they often sideline the broader spectrum of the diverse indigenous tribes of the State. 

The shutdown, endorsed by groups like the Kuki Students’ Organisation (KSO) Churachandpur, Hmar Students Association (HSA), and Tribal Women’s Organisation, Lamka, followed ITLF’s March 12 rally that pressured the state to consider scrapping the Suspension of Operations (SoO) agreement with armed groups like the Kuki National Organisation (KNO) and Zomi Revolutionary Organisation (ZRO). The arson wasn’t random; it was a deliberate act to disrupt a symbol of community development.

Similarly, on September 11, 2025, the vandalism of PM Modi’s welcome decorations—banners, lights, and stages—spread across Churachandpur, with significant destruction reported in Peasonmun village and Phailien Bazar. Clashes erupted as police confronted miscreants, leaving property damaged. Social media posts on X reveal the premeditated nature of this chaos. User @GabrielHmar2 gloated, “Modi’s welcome decoration on the streets are burnt by Gen-Z in Lamka. He might have induced some leaders, but Zs are typically unique. Well done!” Likewise, @_BeinG_TribaL declared, “Our leaders may fall for money but Gen-Z won’t. An uninvited guest who kept silent for 2 years suddenly wants to show up. For what? LAMKA Gen-Z won’t clap and they aren’t impressed either,” tagging PMO and Home Ministry offices while referencing posters proclaiming “Lamka belongs to us, not to the corrupted leaders.” These messages, amplified through WhatsApp groups, mimic Nepal’s Gen Z protests but are not organic youth uprisings. They are orchestrated campaigns, with “Gen Z” as a convenient label for mobs mobilized by external puppet masters.

While local groups like ITLF and SoO signatories play a visible role, the true architects of Manipur’s chaos are external players—individuals and entities exploiting ethnic fault lines for their own ends. Since the May 2023 ethnic clashes between Meiteis and Kuki tribes, which killed over 300 and displaced thousands, these actors have fanned the flames of division. 

At the heart of this chaos is Shaikh Abid Hasan (@shershabadia), a self-proclaimed “Data Scientist@MIT_USA” and “Media Activist” whose inflammatory rhetoric exposes a dangerous agenda to fracture Manipur and threaten India’s unity. Hasan’s influence extends beyond social media; he is the man responsible for influencing the People’s Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL) through Marxist feminist @kavita_krishnan to publish a report on the Manipur violence. This report, riddled with lies, distortions, biases, and propaganda, has fueled further division by misrepresenting Manipur violence. 

Shaikh Hasan’s tweets are a masterclass in manipulation. In one, he rants, “Don’t get caught between 7300 vs 1300! This is just one percent! Adani-Ambani and politicians from BJP, INC, Left, Media will make minimum 100000 crore from Manipur by destroying its ecology and will convert Manipur into Burning Mines!! Is 7300 crore enough for Kuki, Zomi and Hmar raped and killed? Money over justice? Silence of Kuki Zo bought? Memory erased? Naked Parade Forgotten?” 

More alarmingly, Shaikh Hasan’s agenda turns explicitly communal: “Kuki, Zomi, Thadou and Naga should unite politically as Christians and go for greater Nagaland and Greater Mizoram! Imphal should be declared an UT and Assam Rifles should get AFSPA there to oppress Hindus!” This call to carve up Manipur along religious lines—pitting Christians against Hindus and advocating oppressive measures like AFSPA in Imphal—reveals his intent to destabilize not just Manipur but India’s broader social fabric.

His consistent attacks on India’s unity and integrity, coupled with his influence over reports like PUCL’s, mark him as a key external player orchestrating Manipur’s unrest. His motives—whether ideological, geopolitical, or personal—demand scrutiny from both Kuki and Meetei communities, who must recognize that such figures have no stake in Manipur’s peace but thrive on its division.

He is not alone, there are many agents, looking for smaller local pawns to target India. These agencies find willing pawns in local actors—SoO groups, ITLF, and their followers—who execute their disruptive blueprint. The 2023 gym arson and 2025 decoration vandalism are not expressions of grassroots anger but choreographed spectacles. 

The revised SoO pact, signed amid the 2023 ethnic violence, is a key trigger for these disruptions—but not for the reasons local agitators claim. The pact, involving KNO and UPF (representing 25 armed groups), mandates abandoning violence, upholding Manipur’s territorial integrity, relocating camps, and verifying cadres. The Union Home Ministry hailed it as a step toward peace, with the Kuki-Zo Council agreeing to reopen National Highway 02 while maintaining “buffer zones” between Meetei and Kuki-Zo areas. 

Yet, local discontent—amplified by external voices—centers on the pact’s failure to deliver a “separate administration” demanded post-2023 and its perceived concessions to “Meetei diktats.” A community leader, speaking anonymously, said, “For over 30 years, the underground Kuki groups have taken up arms, but nothing has changed for the general population. Only these groups and the government have benefited.”

This frustration, while real, is hijacked by external players who frame the pact as betrayal to incite violence. Non-SoO groups like the United Kuki National Army demand withdrawal, and legislators insist on “justice and accountability.” But the vandalism in 2023 and 2025 wasn’t about justice; it was about derailing progress. The open gym symbolized community unity; Modi’s projects—spanning infrastructure, healthcare, and jobs—promised integration. By destroying these, external actors and their local followers ensure Manipur remains divided, keeping their influence intact.

The masterplan is clear: agencies benefit from a fractured Manipur. Development threatens their narrative of victimhood and chaos, which sustains their relevance. Local SoO groups, enriched by arms and stipends, and tribal bodies like ITLF and CoTU, wielding social clout, are complicit, obeying orders to disrupt. The 2023 shutdown was planned; the 2025 vandalism, spread across Peasonmun and Phailien Bazar, was promoted on X and WhatsApp. Security measures, like banning air guns ahead of Modi’s visit, show the government’s awareness of this threat, but they’re not enough.

Ordinary Kukis and Meeteis suffer most, caught in a cycle where progress is sabotaged, and ethnic rifts widen. Manipur’s salvation lies in dismantling this external-orchestrated chaos. The government must enforce SoO compliance, investigate foreign and fringe influences, and foster inclusive dialogue. Banned outfits calling for shutdowns, as seen in 2023 and now with 2025’s boycotts, must face consequences. Most importantly, Kuki and Meetei communities must reject these divisive voices, uniting against those who profit from their pain.

The burning of gym and vandalized decorations are not just attacks on infrastructure—they’re assaults on our future. External players and their local pawns want a state in flames, but people deserve peace, progress, and unity. Only by exposing and resisting this masterplan can the cycle of sabotage be broken, for a peaceful Manipur. 

Edited By: Nandita Borah
Published On: Sep 12, 2025
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