Why is Maheshwar Thounaojam alone in the fight for Meetei ST status?

Maheshwar Thounaojam’s relentless push to restore Scheduled Tribe (ST) status for the Meetei community is a masterclass in quiet, impactful action over empty rhetoric. Armed with historical documents and records, he has been knocking on the right doors—Union Minister of Tribal Affairs, and the Governor of Manipur—yet the needle hasn’t moved. 

Why? Because without other MLAs stepping up and the state government backing it with a formal recommendation, his efforts risk being a lone cry in the wilderness. It’s frustrating to see such grounded work overshadowed, especially when election fever distracts the people. Collective advocacy isn’t just nice to have—it’s the only way forward. The CSOs working for the cause must also come forward  unitedly. The state must act decisively, or this cause will stay stuck in the shade, where unsung heroes like Maheshwar Thounaojam too often reside.

Last year, on June 29, 2024, Maheshwar Thounaojam, National Secretary of the Republican Party of India (Athawale), stepped into a meeting with Union Tribal Affairs Minister Jual Oram in New Delhi, carrying the weight of Manipuri (Meetei) community on his shoulders. Accompanied by Union Minister of State Ramdas Athawale and other party leaders, he submitted a memorandum demanding  the inclusion of the Meiteis, Manipur’s original settlers as well as the removal of non-indigenous Chin-Kuki tribes from the Scheduled Tribes (ST) list. With unwavering conviction, he detailed the colonial roots of the Chin-Kuki presence and Meetei's unjust exclusion from ST status, referencing prior submissions to the ministry. 

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Again, on July 30, 2025, Mahesh (called lovingly by his fans) returned, undeterred, urging  Jual Oram to expedite this critical restoration. His is a lone voice, ringing out in a deafening silence where other leaders, political parties, and civil society organizations (CSOs) remain conspicuously absent. Why does Thounaojam Maheshwar stand alone in this fight for justice? The Meetei (Meitei) face shrinking land, dwindling numbers, economic despair, and violence—yet the chorus of support their cause demands is still missing. 

Manipur, a vibrant mosaic in Northeastern region of India, is where the Meeteis have shaped a rich cultural legacy. As the state’s indigenous people, they face a crisis that threatens to erase their identity. Restoring their ST status is not merely a policy fix—it’s about honoring promises made when Manipur joined India and saving a community from fading into oblivion. Maheshwar Thounaojam’s persistent advocacy, from 2024 to 2025, is a clarion call for India to act before it’s too late.

The Meeteis are a unique blend of tribes, united by the Meeteilon language and shared traditions. As first settlers, their history stretches back centuries. In 1720, under Maharaja Pamheiba, they embraced Hinduism, yet preserved their animist roots, worshipping deities like  Lainingthou Sanamahi and Leimaren Sidabi in every household. Their rituals, blending ancient practices with Hindu customs, reflect a vibrant, syncretic identity. Until 1949, they ruled Manipur as a princely state, their kings guiding the region’s destiny.

When Manipur merged with India on October 15, 1949, two agreements sealed the union: the Instrument of Accession (August 11, 1947) and the Manipur Merger Agreement (September 21, 1949). Signed between King of Manipur Bodhachandra Singh and Governor General of India, these pacts promised constitutional protections for the Meeteis’ way of life, land, and livelihoods. But those promises were shattered. In 1951, when India notified its first Scheduled Tribes list for Manipur, the Meeteis were inexplicably left out, while tribes like the Nagas and Kukis were included. This exclusion wasn’t a minor oversight—it was a betrayal that has left the Meeteis vulnerable to systemic marginalization.

The Census of India, 1891, compiled by Sir J. Athelstane Baines, classified the Meiteis as a “Forest/Hill Tribe.” The 1921 and 1931 censuses listed them alongside tribes like the Mikirs, Garos, and Nagas. T.C. Hodson’s 1908 book, The Meitheis, published under British government orders, remains the definitive work on their tribal identity. The government must act swiftly to treat the Meeteis’ case as a “left-out” tribe from the 1951 list, using Hodson’s The Meitheis as the requisite ethnographic report, as endorsed by the 1921 and 1931 censuses.

Manipur, spanning just 22,327 square kilometers, is split into hills and valleys. The hills, 92% of the state, are reserved for STs like the Kuki (70%) and Nagas (22%). The valley, a mere 8%, is open to all— Meeteis, Muslims, Nepalis, Bengalis, and others. Before 1949, Meeteis could settle anywhere in Manipur. But post-merger laws, like the Manipur Land Revenue and Land Reforms Act (1960), Article 371C, and the Manipur (Hill Areas) District Councils Act (1971), confined them to the valley. These rules allow STs to buy land in the valley but bar Meeteis from the hills.

Poverty has deepened this crisis. Struggling Meetei families have sold off large chunks of their valley land to other communities, including STs. Today, their land holdings are down to about 4% of Manipur’s area—a devastating loss for a community tied to the land. The valley, their ancestral heartland, is now a cramped space where farming, their traditional livelihood, is barely viable. Maheshwar Thounaojam’s 2024 memorandum to Ministry of Tribal Affairs highlighted this land squeeze, and in 2025, he pressed the minister again, arguing that ST status could protect Meetei land rights and halt this erosion.

The Meeteis’ numbers are shrinking fast. In 1881, they made up 56.2% of Manipur’s population, with a growth rate of 7.17%. By 2011, their share had dropped to 44.9%. Meanwhile, Muslims grew from 2.2% to 8.4%, with a growth rate of 37.03%—five times faster than the Meeteis. Migrants have also surged, from 3.01% to 5.82%. Maheshwar's  2024 memorandum raised concerns about the influx of non-indigenous Chin-Kuki tribes, a point he reiterated in 2025, citing colonial records and the 1955 First Backward Classes Commission, which recommended specific tribe names over broad categories like “Any Kuki Tribe.”

The Meetei's Total Fertility Rate (TFR) is a grim 1.77, per the 2019-20 National Family Health Survey—the lowest in Manipur and below the 2.11 needed to sustain a population. Hill districts like Ukhrul (3.3) and Churachandpur (3.0) far outstrip valley districts like Imphal West (1.7). State overall TFR is 2.2, with Muslims at 2.34 and Christians at 2.94. These numbers paint a stark picture: without action, the Meeteis could become a minority in their own state within decades.

The Meeteis are struggling economically, and their exclusion from ST benefits is a key reason. Farming, their traditional backbone, can’t support them in the tiny valley. Cottage industries like weaving are fading, outcompeted by machines and big businesses from outside Manipur. Jobs are scarce, with no major industries to absorb the workforce. The Meeteis’ Monthly Per Capita Consumption Expenditure (MPCE) lags behind STs. In 2011-12, rural STs had an MPCE of Rs. 1,526, while Meiteis (often listed as OBCs) were at Rs. 1,523. In urban areas, STs hit Rs. 1,748, while Meeteis trailed at Rs. 1,455.

ST status would unlock scholarships, hostels, vocational training, and schemes like Grants under Article 275(1). These have transformed other tribes’ lives, but the Meeteis are left out, scraping by without support. His meetings with Jual Oram stressed this economic exclusion, highlighting how it has fueled poverty and despair among the Meeteis too.

The violence which sparked on May 3, 2023  has left deep wounds in the State. Over 300 people have died, and 70,000 have been displaced. The valley, surrounded by Kuki dominated hills, feels like a war zone. “Buffer zones” trap Meeteis in the valley, while National Highways 2 and 37, critical for trade and travel, are blocked by Kuki militant threats. Air travel, the only way out, is unaffordable for most. He also pointed to non-indigenous Chin-Kuki tribes as a factor in this present unrest, urging their removal from the ST list to restore stability.

The memorandum have also highlighted that Meeteis face a grim future. Their shrinking land, falling population, and economic woes point to a chilling outcome: extinction. Their low TFR and the rapid growth of other communities could make them a minority in Manipur soon. With only 4% of the state’s land, they have nowhere to grow, no space to thrive. This isn’t just a loss for the Meeteis—it’s a loss for India’s cultural diversity. 

However, Maheshwar Thounaojam’s fight is a lonely one, but it doesn’t have to be. Groups like the Scheduled Tribe Demand Committee of Manipur and the Meetei  (Meitei) Tribe Union, World Meetei Council, etc have campaigned for years, but the movement needs more. Political leaders from all parties—BJP, Congress, and others—must stand with him. CSOs, from grassroots activists to national NGOs, must amplify this cause. The Meeteis’ exclusion violates the 1947 and 1949 agreements, a betrayal that stains India’s commitment to justice.

The Meeteis aren’t asking for handouts—they’re demanding their rights. ST status is their path to survival, a way to reclaim their land, dignity, and future. Ignoring Maheshwar's  plea risks losing a vital piece of India’s heritage. Let’s honor the promises of 1949, fix the wrongs of 1951, and give the Meeteis the justice they deserve. His voice may stand alone, but together, we can make it a chorus for change. 

Leaders across the political spectrum and CSOs must join his fight, amplifying his voice to ensure that the Meeteis’ cry for justice is heard. The time for action is now—before Manipur’s indigenous heart fades into history.