56 Years of British Rule Cannot Divide Manipur into Hill and Valley Forever

The scars of colonialism run deep, but they need not define a nation's future eternally. In Manipur, the rigid hill-valley divide—entrenched in laws and administration—traces its roots to just 56 years of direct British rule (1891–1947), a brief interlude in the kingdom's millennia-long history. 

Yet, this artificial bifurcation has persisted for over seven decades post-independence, overlaying ethnic tensions and hindering unified progress.

It is time to reclaim Manipur’s inherent wholeness by correcting the colonial hill–valley divide through an expert‑driven perspective, much like the reassessment of the Aravalli hills. The division imposed by British administrators was never grounded in scientific or ecological reasoning; it was a tool of governance designed to fragment society. Today, just as the Supreme Court has recognized the need for holistic criteria in defining the Aravalli hills—moving beyond arbitrary height thresholds to embrace slope, continuity, and ecological value—Manipur too requires a similar re‑examination. By applying modern knowledge from geologists, ecologists, and GIS specialists, the state can move past colonial categories and restore an integrated vision of its geography and governance.  

If the Supreme Court’s earlier benchmark for defining the Aravalli hills—landforms rising at least 100 meters above local relief—were applied to Manipur, numerous small hillocks and mounds within the valley districts (Imphal East, Imphal West, Thoubal, Kakching, and Bishnupur) would qualify as hills. Notable examples include the Pishum, Langthabal, Chingmeirong, Thanga, and Karang hills, which stand above the relatively flat Imphal Valley, itself situated at an average elevation of 790–830 meters above sea level. The Court, however, has stayed its November order endorsing this 100-meter definition and has constituted a high-powered expert committee to re-examine the criteria. Any revised standard adopted by the apex court will apply accordingly.

Manipur’s total geographical area measures approximately 22,327 square kilometers. A strict reclassification of scattered valley hillocks as “hills” would automatically expand the already well-perceived 90 percent hill coverage. The broader objective of such redefinition is to reinforce the view of Manipur as a single, integrated administrative unit, rather than perpetuating the colonial-era bifurcation between hill and valley.

The colonial roots of Manipur’s hill–valley divide are both undeniable and deeply regrettable. Prior to the Anglo-Manipur War of 1891, the independent kingdom—centered in the valley under Meitei rulers—encompassed the surrounding hills. Yet, while integrated within the protective authority of the Meitei kings, the hill communities retained their distinct systems of customary governance.

Pre-1891, as documented in Captain E.W. Dun's Gazetteer of Manipur (1886)—a colonial record mere years before the Anglo-Manipur War—the kingdom stood unified under the Maharaja, encompassing valley and hills without formal administrative separation. The hills were overseen by trusted ministers like Thangal General and Balaram Singh, who divided responsibilities for tribute, labor, and frontier defense on behalf of the Maharaja of Manipur.

Thangal General oversaw the Cachar Road and its villages, the Kohima Road extending eastward to the ridge north of Route No. 5 from Route No. 9, and southwards including all dealings with the Kumhao tribes, while Balaram Singh administered the Kukis at the southern end of the valley and the entire western hill tract, excluding the Cachar Road, as well as the northeastern corner encompassing the Somrah Basin (Route No. 6) and the Kabaw Valley. This centralized authority reflected an interconnected realm: the fertile Imphal Valley as the heart, encircled by rugged hills dominated by tribal communities, yet bound by royal oversight. 

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The Anglo-Manipur War of 1891 shattered this fragile unity. In its aftermath, British forces, having defeated the kingdom and executed revered figures such as Senapati Tikendrajit, Thangal General, Paona Brajabashi, and Niranjan Subedar, imposed a classic “divide and rule” strategy to consolidate their authority over Manipur’s diverse ethnic groups. Within the span of just fifty-six years, colonial rule dismantled the integrated fabric of the kingdom and left behind a legacy of division that continues to shape the state’s divided history.

This testimony demonstrates that, prior to British intervention, Manipur was ruled and administered by its own leaders, with no discriminatory or divergent systems of law between the valley and the hills.

When the Aravalli Range, India's ancient ecological sentinel, recently faced a definitional crisis that threatened its very existence, Manipur cannot be neglected. In disputes over mining regulations, a proposed 100-meter elevation threshold for "hills" risked excluding vast swathes of lower ridges—ecologically crucial for groundwater recharge, biodiversity, and blocking desert advance. Experts, including the Forest Survey of India (FSI), cautioned that such arbitrary height benchmarks would fragment the range's continuity, echoing warnings from the amicus curiae. The FSI advocated a slope-based definition (3 degrees or more with buffers), recognizing that landscapes are interconnected wholes, not isolated peaks.

Similarly, Manipur's geography mirrors this lesson in interconnectedness, yet suffers from a rigid bifurcation that fragments its terrain and society. Spanning 22,327 square kilometers, the state is overwhelmingly hilly. This oval intermontane basin, ringed by eastern Himalayan foothills and Patkai ranges, is dotted with intra-valley hills like Nongmaiching Hills (rising to 1,565 meters, with reserved forests covering significant areas) and Langol Hill Range (reserve forests around 21 sq km, plus extensions).

Within the valley's 2,000 sq km, non-flat areas—including lakes, wetlands, uplands, and these hillocks—occupy around 550 sq km. Conservatively, hilly portions among these (excluding major water bodies like Loktak and Pumlen Lake) span 200–400 sq km, blurring the "plain" label.

These features, like Aravalli's low ridges, sustain hydrology, biodiversity, and cultural sanctity. If we incorporate these intra-valley hills via slope-based or ecological criteria, Manipur's hilly proportion approaches 95 percent or more—a landscape dominated by mountains with a fertile lowland core.

When Manipur’s terrain is reconsidered in a 95:5 ratio that includes foothills, the colonial-era “hill–valley” binary begins to lose coherence. Manipur is, in essence, a hilly state—much like its neighbors across Northeast India. Yet unlike Mizoram, Meghalaya, Nagaland, or Arunachal Pradesh, Manipur alone has been administratively bifurcated into hills and valley, a division that exaggerates geography into governance.

Mizoram, for instance, is almost entirely mountainous, with parallel north–south ranges separated by deep valleys. Flat land is negligible—less than five percent—and confined to narrow river valleys or small intermontane plains. The Champhai area, often called Mizoram’s “rice bowl,” is a fertile valley but remains a small enclave surrounded by hills, never large enough to shape a hill–valley administrative split.

Meghalaya, by contrast, is a dissected plateau of rolling hills, gorges, and grasslands. Even the relatively lower Garo Hills are still elevated terrain, leaving the state effectively 95–100 percent hilly, with no central plains to justify dual governance.

Nagaland, dominated by the Naga Hills and Patkai ranges, is similarly mountainous, with plains limited to 5–10 percent of its territory, concentrated in Dimapur district along the Dhansiri River. This low-elevation foothill plain serves as a commercial gateway but is geographically marginal, not a central valley comparable to Manipur’s Imphal plain.

Arunachal Pradesh is even more rugged, with over 95 percent of its area covered by mountains and hills. Its narrow river valleys and southern foothills gradually merge into Assam’s plains, but within Arunachal itself there are no broad valleys that could warrant a hill–valley distinction.

These neighboring hill states enjoy uniform hill state benefits: special funding and protections, while Manipur's bifurcation—unique in Northeast—overlays ethnicity, exacerbating tensions.

The definition of “Hill Areas” in Manipur has changed over time, shaped by administrative decisions and constitutional safeguards. There was never a strict, scientific boundary based on geology. Instead, the distinction between hills and valley was made for governance purposes only.

After independence, early laws kept this flexible. The Manipur (Village Authorities in Hill Areas) Act, 1956 allowed the Chief Commissioner to declare Hill Areas through Gazette notifications. The Manipur Land Revenue and Land Reform (MLR&LR) Act, 1960 gave similar powers to the Administrator (later the State Government), with scope to review areas based on social and economic progress.

With Manipur’s statehood in 1972, the authority was raised to the constitutional level. Article 371C defines “Hill Areas” as those declared by the President of India. The Manipur Legislative Assembly (Hill Areas Committee) Order, 1972 (Presidential Order dated June 20, 1972) fixed the boundaries in its First Schedule, covering districts and sub-divisions such as Senapati, Ukhrul, Tamenglong, Churachandpur, Chandel, and parts of others. Unlike earlier laws, the State Government cannot change these boundaries on its own—any change requires Presidential approval. This protects tribal interests through the Hill Areas Committee (HAC) and restricts the extension of valley laws to the hills without safeguards.

A common misconception among some tribal leaders is that Hill Areas are defined only for Scheduled Tribes (STs), or that only STs can live there. This is not correct. The idea of “hills” as an administrative and geographical category existed before the Constitution recognized STs. While most hill residents are tribal, the definition of Hill Areas is not the same as the definition of STs.

The hill–valley distinction in Manipur began under British colonial rule in the late 19th century. It was administrative and geographical, not constitutional. Formal recognition of STs came only after independence. The Constitution (Scheduled Tribes) Order, 1950 did not include Manipur. In 1951, it was amended to vaguely list “Any Kuki Tribe,” “Any Lushai Tribe,” and “Any Naga Tribe.” The 1956 Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes Orders (Amendment) Act replaced these vague categories with 29 specific tribes (such as Aimol, Anal, Chiru, Gangte, Hmar, Kabui, etc.), and dropped “Any Kuki Tribe.” The 1976 amendment made only minor spelling and sequencing changes.

Major expansions came later: in 2002 (effective 2003), Poumai Naga, Tarao, and Kharam were added, and “Any Kuki Tribes” was reintroduced, bringing the total to 33. In 2011 (effective 2012), sub-tribes were incorporated (Inpui and Rongmei under Kabui; Liangmai and Zeme under Kacha Naga; Thangal under Koirao) and Mate was added, raising the total to 34. Today, the official list confirms 34 STs in Manipur.

These changes reflect evolving ethnic identities and political demands, but they came long after the hill–valley administrative divide was created. The key point is this: if Hill Areas were formally classified in 1972, then until 2011, many communities lived in these areas without being recognized as STs. This shows that the idea that “only tribals must live in Hill Areas” is wrong. Hills are not exclusively for Scheduled Tribes—they are part of Manipur’s shared geography and governance.

Manipur’s hill–valley divide is less a natural inevitability than a colonial construction. Its persistence reflects the endurance of imposed categories rather than the dictates of geography. Reimagining Manipur as a fundamentally hilly state, in line with its neighbors, challenges this inherited division and opens the path toward a more integrated vision of governance.

Fifty-six years of foreign imposition should not bind a people indefinitely. Declaring Manipur a full hill state—anchored in evolved and inclusive safeguards—would help heal historical wounds, foster equity, and honor the resilient spirit of its communities. The colonial error must not be allowed to inflict further harm; the time has come to heal.

Manipur is not asking for miracles, but only for reasoned reassessment. By drawing upon the expertise of geologists, ecologists, and GIS specialists, we can determine afresh whether Manipur should rightly be recognized as a hill state and, in doing so, restore justice to its geography and governance.