Kuki Hijacked NGOs Under Scrutiny for Selective Outrage Over Northeast Tribal Suffering

Last month, Joseph Khamthangsang Serto Kom, a tribal student from Kom community, succumbed to injuries after a brutal ragging assault at NERIM in Guwahati, Assam. 

Beaten by seniors and left in ICU for 19 days, his death highlights the deadly perils faced by Northeast youth in educational institutions. NGOs advocating for tribal welfares and human rights like Akhil Bharatiya Adivasi Vikash Parishad (ABAVP), World Human Rights Organization (WHRO) and International Human Rights Council West Bengal (IHRCWB)'s response? Absolute quiet. 

These are the few NGOs who were vocal for Kukis in the ongoing Manipur violence, seeking justice for the tribals, meeting Central Ministers, holding press conferences and condemning the Meitei for the conflicts. But their selective outrage over the harrassment of tribals from the state and the Northeast Region exposed these are nothing, but Puppets of Kuki organisations and leaders. The extent to which ABAVP has been exploited by Kukis is a matter of concern, for this National Organisation is having current Central Minister of State as one of the functionaries. 

The ABAVP Northeast Zonal Branch was opened this year, when Lucky Bhau visited Kangpokpi and Churachandpur with sole purpose to churn out propaganda videos. Having Branch office at Guwahati in Assam, the Self styled President and the Vice President was Maria Mangte and Marina Singson from Kuki community of Manipur. No leaders from Arunachal Pradesh, Nagaland, Mizoram, Tripura which have more than 90 percent tribal populations. This exclusionary structure raises serious questions about ABAVP's commitment to broad Adivasi representation in the region, suggesting instead a deliberate focus on advancing Kuki interests at the expense of regional tribal diversity.

Then, another chapter of ABAVP formed, the Manipur Branch, without having any office, seems a mobile one! ABAVP's Manipur branch is exclusively Kuki-represented, sidelining Nagas—the state's largest tribe. The same pattern of office bearers- President and Vice President from Kuki communities. J Misao, Paominlen Haokip, Chungjalen Haokip, Kelvin Lalboi, Neihsial and Paominlen Khongsai. No Tangkhul, no Paomei, no Anal, no Kabui, no Maring! 

From the streets of Delhi to the campuses of Guwahati and the avenues of Bengaluru, these incidents unfold with alarming frequency, painting a picture of systemic racism and vulnerability. Yet, ABAVP, an organization that loudly positions itself as the guardian of tribal rights, remains eerily silent. 

This isn't mere oversight; it's a damning revelation of selective propaganda, where ABAVP led by few propagandists office bearers amplifies certain narratives while ignoring others that don't fit their agenda. At the heart of this hypocrisy lies the ongoing Meitei-Kuki conflict in Manipur, fueled in part by figures like Lucky  Bhau Jadhav, ABAVP's National President (Youth), whose inflammatory rhetoric and suspicious actions seem designed to deepen ethnic divides rather than heal them.

Consider the heartbreaking cases from just the past few months—incidents that should have mobilized any true advocate for Adivasi welfare. Why has ABAVP, under leaders like Lucky Bhau, not uttered a single word? Their inaction speaks volumes about an organization more interested in targeted propaganda than comprehensive tribal protection.

Take the suspicious death of Priyaluxmi Devi Khangembam, a 20-year-old Manipuri woman from Bishnupur, found lifeless near Maharani Bagh in Delhi on April 19, 2025. Initially dismissed as suicide, her family demanded a thorough investigation amid unanswered questions about foul play. This young Meitei-linked life cut short drew no condemnation from ABAVP, despite their professed commitment to tribal safety. 

If the so called Adivasi leaders think Priyaluxmi is a Meitei, leave her alone. Even more baffling is their silence on the murder of Lhing Janeng, a 27-year-old Kuki woman from Churachandpur, killed by her live-in partner in Munirka, Delhi, on April 10, 2025. Bruised and abused over suspicions of an affair, her case involved a member of the very community ABAVP champions in Manipur. Yet, no outcry, no demands for justice—exposing that even Kuki victims are ignored if they don't serve the separatist narrative. 

In August 2025, a Class 9 tribal student in Sikkim's Samdong endured caste-based torture, including burns from an assault—yet ABAVP offered no support or statement. That same month, 17 Northeast students at Delhi's Sri Sharda Institute faced sexual harassment in a scandal that rocked the community, but ABAVP stayed mute.

September brought harassment by Delhi Police ASI Virender Kumar against a Northeast tribal woman, with no ABAVP intervention. From April to July 2025, a spate of suicides and mysterious deaths among Northeast women in Delhi, including Shreya Ghosh, went unaddressed.The indignities aren't limited to fatalities. On July 11, 2025, two Northeast women from Sikkim were stalked and secretly filmed over 30 times at the Taj Mahal in Agra—close-ups of their faces, chests, and behinds in a dehumanizing violation. Security failed to act, but ABAVP and Jadhav issued no condemnation. 

In April 2025, a 24-year-old Assamese woman in Bengaluru was waylaid at 4:15 AM by two scooter-borne men who touched her inappropriately and solicited favors. ABAVP's silence here is deafening. And in June, Dema Zongluju from Arunachal Pradesh faced racial taunts in Indore, mocked as "Korean" or "Nepali" in India's "cleanest city." She captured the ordeal on video, yet no solidarity from  Lucky Bhau Jadhav or his organization.These are not isolated events; they represent a broader crisis of discrimination against Northeast tribals in urban India. 

ABAVP's failure to address them—especially murders and assaults on boys and girls—reveals a profound bias. Why the selective focus? It seems their energy is reserved for stoking flames in Manipur, where they paint Meiteis as villains while ignoring atrocities that don't align with Kuki separatist goals.

This urban silence contrasts sharply with ABAVP's vocal involvement in Manipur's Meitei-Kuki conflict, now entering its third year. The same tribal NGO, which claims to champion tribal welfare across states like Jharkhand and Odisha (even collaborating with XLRI in 2017 for tribal entrepreneurs), has narrowed its lens in Manipur to Kuki grievances alone.Figures like Lucky Jadhav have been accused of spreading inflammatory lies, portraying Meiteis as Myanmar immigrants who seized Kuki lands and committed genocide with state support. 

This narrative ignores historical facts: "Kuki" is a colonial term for diverse tribes arriving in Manipur around 1830-1840, while Meiteis have ancient roots in the region. Violence erupted on May 3, 2023, amid Kuki militant actions, not unprovoked Meitei aggression, as clarified by Army Chief Upendra Dwivedi.  

Lucky Jadhav's motives come into sharper focus when examining his actions in Manipur. As a failed Indian National Congress candidate from Maharashtra’s Igatpuri constituency in the 2024 Assembly Elections,Jadhav has been criticized for leveraging ABAVP's platform to fuel anti-Meitei sentiment. As National President (Youth) of ABAVP, he has exacerbated tensions by promoting misleading narratives like Kukiland and claims of Kuki ownership over Manipur’s lands and forests. His nexus with controversial figures like Paojakhup Guite, President of the Kuki Students’ Organisation (KSO) Delhi, and the misuse of the ABAVP YouTube channel as a propaganda tool further deepen ethnic divides. Later, Guite also was inducted into the NGO as their leader. 

 His visit to Kuki-dominated areas, where he appeared wearing an Adivasi muffler—a symbolic gesture meant to align with tribal identity—conveniently omitted any criticism of the illegal encroachments on reserve forests, a contentious issue often linked to Kuki settlements and poppy cultivation that has led to massive eviction drives by the Manipur government. 

By ignoring these encroachments, which have been blamed for forest cover loss and narco-terrorism, Lucky Jadhav's agenda appears less about genuine tribal welfare and more about bolstering Kuki narratives to exacerbate ethnic tensions. In a further twist, ABAVP Northeast reportedly launched a YouTube channel in April 2025, seemingly tailored for disseminating propaganda and hate speech against the Meitei community. Using the NGO as a shield, this platform has amplified one-sided stories, further entrenching divisions rather than promoting unity. This move exposes how ABAVP has morphed from a development-focused entity into a tool for selective activism.

Recently, Lucky Bhau Jadhav incited in the video that the Meiteis are immigrants from Myanmar, and seized the territories of the Manipur’s indigenous Kuki tribe. In this regard, the Meitei Heritage Society and Delhi Manipuri Society submitted a complaint on October 3, 2025, to ABAVP National President Somjibhai Damor. Demanding Jadhav's expulsion and a public apology

Lucky Bhau Jadhav, with a surname suggesting Marathi roots, would likely bristle at claims questioning his indigeneity to Maharashtra. If told that Jadhavs originated from Bihar and fought Marathas for land, water, and hills, his pride might be shattered.

Would he accept assertions that Mahabalipuram or Ajanta caves belong to Bihari people, whose Buddhist-preaching ancestors were allegedly exploited by his forefathers for control of lands and rivers? Or would he recoil at calls for a "Mithila state" in his Maharashtra? Surely, he would oppose such narratives. Yet, Jadhav hypocritically champions Kukiland in Manipur, ignoring the state’s shared history among various indigenous communities.  

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As a Congress leader, Lucky Jadhav must consult Manipur’s Congress MP, Dr. Angomcha Bimol Akoijam, an academic and historian, to learn the state’s true history before distorting it. He also owes Manipur an apology for fueling unrest instead of fostering solutions.

Lucky Bhau Jadhav’s selective focus, akin to Congress’s broader strategy under leaders like Rahul Gandhi, deepens mistrust by sidelining this broader context. Let ABAVP remain as the platform for Adivasis who were forcefully assimilated into western religion, lifestyles, and cultures. Let this genuine organization mean to safeguard the Adivasi people living for generations, protecting the rivers, mountains, and the faith of their forefathers, and not for convent-educated, lavish Scorpio SUV car owners who frequently fly and dine at 5-star hotels.

Not all Scheduled Tribes are Adivasi; this must be known by Lucky Bhau Jadhav himself, who gets political connections to work for those who are downtrodden. The organization, having a Union Minister like Faggan Singh Kulaste associated with it, must carefully check the members and activities of its state chapters, whether every tribal community of the state is in the organizational structures or simply converted into a platform for someone to use as a propaganda organization.

Instead, the indigenous people of Manipur urges these NGOs for the protection and safeguarding of sacred sites integral to the indigenous Sanamahi religion, such as Koubru and Thangjing peaks, Kongba Maru, and revered Umang Lais like Ima Kondong Lairembi and Ibudhou Maikei Ngakpa. Aligning with it's core mission, the ABAVP must committed to preserving ancestral worship practices and the natural sanctity of these sites, ensuring their cultural and spiritual significance endures for future generations.